Ce rapport s’inscrit dans le cadre des mesures instaurées afin de rendre la participation politique accessible aux femmes. Il présente les conclusions principales d’une rencontre de consultation tenue pour les mairesses d’Haïti ayant pour objectif de créer un espace de soutien et de partage pour ses femmes de tête. Le renforcement des acquis et des connaissances politiques de ce groupe par la transmission de compétences et d’outils est la principale application des mesures mises en place pour favoriser les relations entre les femmes et le politique. (Résumé par Mouka)

L’auteure vient présenter les différents mouvements féministes observés sur son terrain d’étude, Haïti. Les divers courants vont apparaitre en réaction à divers phénomènes sociétaux. Il est ainsi possible de cataloguer les mouvements féministes en diverses branches : le féminisme libéral, le féminisme marxisme (lénisme et orthodoxe), le féminisme populaire et le féminisme radical.

Depuis la chute du régime dictatorial des Duvalier, Haïti s’est lancé dans une transition démocratique qui a permis l’émergence des mouvements féministes. Ceux-ci ont continués de lutter pendant plus de 25 ans malgré les instabilités politiques persistantes. Cet article déduit que les féministes haïtiennes s’inscrivent dans le courant démocratique parce qu’elles cherchent un gouvernement à l’écoute des revendications des citoyens. Aujourd’hui, le mouvement est confronté, une fois de plus, au contexte politique à caractère autoritariste du pays.

Two years after the 7.0 earthquake that devastated the capital of Haiti and shook the entire country to its core, more than half a million people in Port-au-Prince remain in camps for the internally displaced. Despite the massive humanitarian response to the disaster, living conditions in the temporary settlements are dire; accessing adequate food, water, and sanitation constitutes a daily struggle for camp residents, and reports of rape and other forms of sexual violence—especially against women and girls—continue at alarming rates.

This dissertation reports on an examination that was conducted to determine the prevalence and incidence of domestic violence in Haiti. The researcher used the revised Conflict Tactic Scale (CTS2) developed by Strauss and Gelles in 1986 to sample 150 women residing in Port-au-Prince in the city of Petion-Ville in subsections of Berthe, Delrnas, Bossier, and Peguy-Ville. The CTS2 was used to measure the prevalence and incidence of 5 levels of partner abuse: physical aggression, psychological aggression, sexual coercion, injury, and negotiation.

Background: Reliable evidence of the frequency and severity of human rights abuses in Haiti after the departure of the elected president in 2004 was scarce. We assessed data from a random survey of households in the greater Port-au-Prince area.

This book review examines the recent publication, Gender and Violence in Haiti: Women’s Path from Victims to Agents by Benedetta Faedi Duramy. Duramy provides an in-depth contextualized discussion of sexual violence in Haiti, where she examines the role that women survivors of sexual violence play as perpetrators of violence. Duramy engages personally with female victim-survivors to gain insight as to the daily threat of violence they experience and their motiva- tions for participating in this widespread conflict.

At the request of the former Haitian Minister of Women’s Affairs and Women’s Rights, H.E. Adeline Magloire Chancy, the Raoul Wallenberg Institute (RWI), commissioned by the International Legal Assistance Consortium (ILAC), conducted research in the area of gender justice. More specifically and in accordance with the terms of reference provided by the Haitian Ministry, the project focused on the five separate but interrelated areas of: (1) termination of pregnancy, (2) customary unions (cohabitation), (3) paternity determination, (4) domestic violence, and (5) rape.

This article begins the study of the under-explored yet fundamental role of andikape (disability) mobility—the expression of subjectivity and the exercise of rights by the disabled—in Haitian history and society. It considers how recent tragic events in the Soud (Deaf) community fostered increased, collaborative mobilization of the moun andikape (the disabled) and related organizations to advocate for greater social inclusion, the securing of rights, and the expression of subjectivity.

Given that condom use is not directly under a woman's control, the sexual division of power may play an important role in sexual behavior among pregnant women. We assessed the influence of factors related to the theory of gender and power (e.g., relationship power, abuse history, and sexual communication) on sexual behavior (e.g., two or more partners in the year prior to pregnancy, condom use, condom-use intentions, and STI diagnosis) among 196 pregnant women recruited from five community dispensaries in rural Haiti.